He was rewarded by a series of declarations embodying the highest common factor, rather than the lowest common denominator, of agreement. No one, including the Italians, ruled out the possibility of entry in "non-permissive" circumstances, each of Mr Cook's counterparts saying instead that it was "hypothetical". Each one also pointed publicly to the dangers of "leaving a vacuum" in Kosovo as the Serbian grip on the territory is loosened. This, of course, appeals to those who worry about the Kosovo Liberation Army taking over. And it could eventually, though it is nowhere near doing so yet, provide an additional rationale for the Nato forces entering Kosovo ahead of an agreement with Milosevic.None of this means that the British have secured agreement among the European Allies that war, even under favourable circumstances, should if necessary be made on the ground as well as in the air.

In particular there is the question of the French, whose solidarity has so far been the greatest, but for whom the issue is least academic, since they would be committing real forces if the moment came. The signs in Paris are that they have not yet made up their minds. The belief in London is that they will in the end not shrink from such an operation, any more than they did in the Gulf.The previous government would have expressed its contempt for its less certain European allies by now, almost certainly ensuring that agreement would be impossible when it was needed. But the intelligence of the current approach is to treat those allies sympathetically, recognising, for example, that a country with a fragile coalition needs to be more cautious than one with an overwhelming parliamentary majority; and understanding that there is no point in forcing a formal decision before it is necessary, while maximising the chances of agreement if and when it does become necessary. Cook's progress this week suggests that the strategy is working In theory, at least, it may never be necessary. But in case it is, Tony Blair, filling the vacuum left by the slippage of authority in Washington, is coaxing the Allies forward to the alternative, if and when the generals agree that the Serbian forces are sufficiently enfeebled to make it practical.This is a good deal more than papering over the cracks of a divided Alliance to impress Milosevic.

The Government's relative reticence should not disguise the importance of the change of gear this week. And in such circumstances the perceived disadvantages of indicting Slobodan Milosevic suddenly seem to matter hardly at all.. THIS WEEK has seen one flagrant breach of the Press Code after another. On Sunday, Lawrence Dallaglio was fitted up by misrepresentation (banned by clause 11) and "clandestine listening devices" (banned by clause 8) for alleged crimes committed long ago or in another country. On Monday, the comedian Lenny Henry was done over for adultery, since convincingly denied, in breach of clause 3 (privacy). On Tuesday, it was the former cricketer Ian Botham's turn, on the same charge, in breach of the same clause. And on Wednesday, a minor soon-to-be-member of the Royal Family had her privacy grossly invaded, with the publication of a 10-year-old picture of her, partly naked.

Yesterday, the editor of The Sun apologised for upsetting her - what an unsurprising consequence of his action that was - in one of the more blundering U-turns of his short career. This is the same David Yelland whose leader column declared: "We will not invade the privacy of gay people", three days after asking, "Are we being run by a gay Mafia?", in a pathetic attempt to justify the "outing" of Nick Brown, the Agriculture Minister. The powers of the Press Complaints Commission are too weak to deter these repeated intrusions into the private lives of public - or merely famous - people. The Commission should be able to impose fines on the publishers of newspapers found in breach of its code. Secondly, for all the useful work he does behind the scenes, warning and nudging, Lord Wakeham perhaps lacks the campaigning vigour - even the tabloid instincts - that are required to persuade the readers of newspapers that he is on their side.His successor should possess a more obvious passion both for the rights of a free press and for the defence of privacy.There are only three possible responses to the Commission's failure to enforce its code One is legislation The second is to try to make self-regulation work better.

The third is to give up, and let public tastes and market forces decide what should and should not be published. Public taste is an important factor; in the end it was public disapproval - coupled in all probability with the disapproval of the proprietor - which forced Mr Yelland to apologise. That humiliation will have a more salutary effect on him than any financial penalty But it is not enough. He has not apologised to Mr Henry or Mr Botham, and Phil Hall, the editor of the News of the World, has certainly not apologised to Mr Dallaglio.